呷飽沒 - Jia ba boe

Professor and Chinese exile Yuan Hongbing will be speaking about China, Taiwan, the United States, and his new book, Taiwan Disaster, during his 10 city tour of the United States and Canada.

Seattle Presentation Details

Date & Time: Saturday 30 January 2010, 11:30 AM - 1:30 PM

Place: Culture Center of Taipei Economic and Cultural Office in Seattle

1008 140th Ave NE Suite 108, Bellevue, WA 98007

Details: $3 entry; light lunch provided

Contact: John Chou 206-365-8807

Yuan Hongbing  袁紅冰

Yuan Hongbing is an ethnic Mongolian jurist, novelist, and dissident from China.

Yuan was born 1953 in Hohhot, Inner Mongolia. He graduated from Beijing University with a masters degree in criminal procedure in 1986 and went on to head the School of Criminal Procedural law at Beijing University.

Following the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, he came under notice of government authorities for his outspoken views. Yuan Hongbing has been active as a labour organizer and was involved with a “Peace Charter” reportedly modeled on the Czechoslovak Charter 77. In 1994 he was detained by government authorities and forced to leave Beijing, becoming one of China’s most prominent public dissidents. Yuan went into exile in the remote province of Guizhou, and became the Dean of the law school at Guizhou Normal University.

In 2004 he and his assistant Zhao Jing travelled to Australia, and on 28 July they sought political asylum. Three of his books were published overseas that same year: Elegy and Freedom at Sunset, both of which relate the sufferings of Mongols under Chinese Communist rule, and The Golden Holy Mountain, about Tibet. In June 2005 he spoke in support of defector Chen Yonglin, accusing the Chinese government of attempting to turn Australia into a “political colony”.

Yuan Hongbing’s newest book is Taiwan Disaster, which was released on Nov. 17 in Taipei, Taiwan. In this book, he discloses confidential findings on how the Chinese communist regime is determined to “unify” with Taiwan by 2012. Yuan maintains that, through its strategy of unifying the market and financial systems of China with those of Taiwan, Beijing is, at the same time, stepping up its own reunification agenda with its neighbor.

Yuan says it appears that the Chinese Nationalist (KMT) dominated government on Taiwan has not only failed to sense the danger, it is using propaganda and its still dominate control of Taiwan media to convince Taiwanese that as long as Taiwan works in concert with the CCP, it will grow its economy at high rates again. Yuan has serious concerns that the KMT dominated government is rolling over previously hard fought democratic advances.

Yuan’s main source for the CCP’s political agenda came from a highly classified document—Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s June 2008 speech given during the expanded meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CCP. This meeting focused on the strategy behind the Taiwan annexation plan. The meeting was so confidential that it was held deep in a cavern in Beijing’s West Mountain—the Central Military Commission’s First Strategic Command Center.

In that classified meeting, Wen Jiabao stated that an agreement must be signed to ensure that the rules of economic integration are followed. “Economic integration is by nature, economic unification. Taiwan benefits from it economically, and we [the CCP] fulfill our political goal by doing it.” It was also revealed that in order to break through the investment barrier erected by the government of Taiwan, a number of Taiwan’s merchants will have to be used as agents. They would be relatively well paid and would manage the CCP’s investments in Taiwan’s banks, insurance companies, and other strategic economic entities. In addition, “To manipulate Taiwan’s stock market so it rises or falls according to our will—that will take a lot of capital investment, but the expenditure is worthwhile, considering what we will gain politically.”

The CCP also plans to erode Taiwan’s politico-economic factions from within Taiwan by corrupting the Kuomintang (KMT) leaders and marginalizing the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The economic strategy specifically targets the upper-classes of the Kuomintang (KMT), the sponsors of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and several million Taiwanese merchants.

According to Yuan, the regime has been betting on the KMT leaders for a long time. During the years from 2000-2008 when the KMT was not in control, the Chinese regime methodically began binding the economic dependency of the KMT leaders tightly to the communist regime by inviting them to open businesses in China.

In addition, Yuan explained that the regime has been trying to deepen the rift within the DPP by manipulating the money laundering case of its former leader, President Chen Shui-bian. The suppressing, weakening, and corrupting of the DPP is another integral part of the regime’s strategy to erode the country’s political framework. The book maintains the regime is fomenting social conflict and inspiring hatred toward the DPP. Yuan explains how economic means are to be used to control the sponsors of the DPP and disintegrate its standing in society.

Yuan reported that Jia Qinglin, the Chairman of the People’s Political Consultative Conference, said in the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau, “For those Taiwanese merchants who support our policies with Taiwan, we must meet their reasonable financial requirements, making them feel that the mainland is a haven for investments. For those merchants who clandestinely go against our policies, we must strengthen our monitoring and control mechanisms, and pursue financial retribution. When necessary, we can ruin them financially and make them lose everything they own.”

Yuan attributes China’s desperate and urgent annexation plan to the CCP’s fear of Taiwan’s democratic system and the influence it has had on mainland China’s population.

Author Yuan Hongbing, former Dean of the School of Criminal Law at Beijing University, reveals top-secret confidential Chinese government documents in his new book. In his nine-city North American tour, Yuan speaks about China’s comprehensive strategy in grabbing global power. The planned takeover of Taiwan by 2012 is to be the first milestone for the totalitarian regime. Global capital pouring into China has only given the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) more confidence and power in its ambition. As the Chinese regime has become wealthier, it has become an even-greater threat to freedom and democracy throughout the world.

For decades, “China experts” have predicted that “economic development will lead to political liberalization in China”. The fact is, the Chinese government today continues daily media censorship, ongoing destruction of the environment, and repeated and nearly unprecedented human right violations - from Tibetan bloodshed, to the stories of Rebiya Kadeer of the Uygur, on the Communist regime’s systematic oppression of minorities. This regime has not only retained its iron-fist political system with no sign of democracy, but has strengthened its totalitarian rule, possessing now much deeper pockets and financial influence internationally.

Exile Author Yuan Hongbing is visiting nine North American cities through February 10, 2010. His 11th book, The Taiwan Disaster, published in November 2009, is based on the top-secret confidential documents from the June 2008 Expanded Committee Meeting of the Chinese Communist Party, held in a cavern outside of Beijing. These extremely confidential documents were obtained by individuals risking their lives.

Professor Yuan Hongbing will talk about how the Taiwan Disaster is really a Global Disaster. He will speak on many of the yet-unknown truths about the Chinese regime, including China being the inexpensive, yet efficient training ground for global terrorists. Another revelation is that China’s infiltration of Taiwan politics and planned take-over of Taiwan by 2012 is only the first step of the Chinese regime’s global domination strategy via economic, financial, and political power.

The current world financial crisis has only made the Chinese regime believe more firmly that this is the time for its totalitarian rule to gain control of the rest of the world, as China’s financial power makes currently great nations into debtors.

Professor Yuan Hongbing has lived in exile in Australia since 2004. While heading the School of Criminal Law at Beijing University, he organized student support groups during the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989 and was later imprisoned by the Chinese government. He was mentioned in the US State Department’s “Human Rights Report - China” for wrongful imprisonment.

The following is Author YUAN Hongbing’s North American speaking schedule and locations:

1/24 Sun. 5:00-6:00 Press Conference**

Taiwanese American Center 6:00-9:00 Speech

4413 Fortran Court,

San Jose, CA 95134

(408)263-7188

(415)308-4199

**Or an earlier time for Special Interviews. Please Phone to Arrange Special Interview for your Media Rep)

1/25 Mon. Professor Yuan Hongbing available for special press time.

Silicon Valley/San Francisco Bay Area

(408)263-7188

(415)308-4199

1/26 Tue.

Taiwan Center                                       6:00 - 7:00 pm Speech

7838 Wilkerson Court

San Diego, CA 92111

(858) 560-8884

1/27 Wed. 7:00-7:30 pm Press Conference

West Grove Plaza                                 7:30-9:30 pm Speech

4222 Trinity Mill Rd.

Dallas, TX 75287

(214) 704-1872

1/28 Thu. 7:30-9:30 pm  Speech

Houston Taiwanese Community Center

5885 Point West Dr.

Houston, TX 77036

(713) 271-5885

1/30 Sat. 11:30 am-1:30 pm Speech, Book Signing, Brunch

Seattle Chinese Cultural Center

1008 140 Ave. SE

Bellevue, WA 98007

(206) 660-2778

1/31 Sun. 1:30-2:30 pm Press Conference

Atlanta Taiwanese Presbyterian Church      2:30-5:30 pm Speech

1039 Rays Rd.

Stone Mountain (Atlanta), GA 30093

(770) 993-6169

2/3 Wed. Detail to be provided later.

Washington, D.C.

(240) 753-3541

2/5 Fri. Detail to be provided later.

Washington, D.C.

(240) 753-3541

2/6 Sat. Detail to be provided later.

Toronto, Canada

(480) 543-8600

2/7 Sun. 3:30 pm

Taiwanese Community Church         7:30 pm  Buffet Dinner

in Greater Chicago

1420 South Meyers Rd

Lombard, IL 60148

(630)572-0499

Here is an account of 2-28 written by a missionary who witnessed it. It surfaced when Canadian scholar, missionary, and longtime Taiwan activist Michael Stainton was searching through the papers of George Leslie MacKay, the famous missionary here. Dr. Stainton was kind enough to forward it originally to Michael Turton where it was posted on his blog; posted here with his permission.

Dear Dr Cameron,

Though most of the news in this you have probably heard already, I thought it would interest you – especially as it comes from a Mainlander [Chinese]. The writer was for years a marine advisor in the principal Chinese ports.

With Kind regards, Margaret Mackay
North Pacific. April 14, 1947.

(Letter received from an English seaman(1) of wide experience in China, who has just returned from Formosa where he was during the recent trouble.)

I was in Taipeh a couple of weeks back and met your folks(2). There was a perfectly justified uprising of the Formosans against Chinese oppression while I was there and mail and communication with the outside world was liable to censorship. The Chinese want only their version of the affair to reach the press. Your folks therefore asked if I would drop you a line giving a review of the goings on. I will try. It’s all from memory (scared to make notes in the event of a search) so if I ramble, please excuse.

After the Jap surrender the Formosans genuinely gave the Chinese an enthusiastic welcome and were keen and eager to make a go of things under Chinese Rule. Due to graft corruption etc. the Formosans were soon to be disillusioned and bitterness for the Chinese rulers took the place of the previous enthusiasm. The Chinese made no attempt to develop the island or trade or export or industry or anything at all. Their whole purpose seems to have been to loot. They merely took over the posts and businesses vacated by the Japs and carried on Jap system except that the Jap had method but the Chinese did not. Chinese from the mainland swarmed over the Island to pick up all the choice plums and they got priority while the native citizens were left out in the cold and told to go chase themselves. Time came when feelings ran so high that it only needed a smaller incident to act as a match and the smouldering fires would burst into flame. On February 28 the storm burst.

One of the Chinese Tobacco Monopoly Police clubbed an old widow to death for selling cigarettes at a small stall near the Taipeh Railway Station. A crowd began protesting to the Police and one of them was shot. The crowd then moved (angry but orderly) to Headquarters to protest and more of the crowd were shot. Their feelings then got the upper hand (one cannot blame them) and they yanked Chinese officials from their offices and beat them up. Some of the officials didn’t live. The money and cigarettes found in the Tobacco Monopoly Headquarters was taken into the street and burned. (This was their way of indicating they were not out for loot or individual gain). After these goings on the crowd quietened down somewhat and things most likely would have returned to normal but the following day there was more gunplay by the Chinese. Two students asked for information at the Railway Station having planed to go home on holiday as the schools had closed. They were shot dead. A demonstration (orderly) approached the Government Headquarters to protest these outrages and had machine guns turned on them. This proved the last straw and Taipeh cam completely under Formosan control for the time being.

The day after the machine gunning a representation approached the Governor with a list of demands: - That the trigger happy police be relieved of their arms and troops confined to barracks temporarily. That in future Mayors and other aspirants to high public office be voted in by the people and not appointed indiscriminately, etc. etc., all of them of a sensible nature and drawn up with a view to benefiting the Island as a whole. The Governor listened to their pleas and asked that a 10 day interval be agreed upon for him to study the list, then a meeting would be held with both parties represented and the matter gone into thoroughly. It was also arranged that the students maintain peace in the city during the interval and that they be armed in order to deal with any bad characters who might take advantage of the disturbed conditions. Unknown to the Formosans he had already or was about to send for more troops from the Mainland. The above arrangements worked successfully and the city resumed its normal routine.

At 10 p.m. on the 8th March (also the 8th day of the 10 agreed upon) rifle and machine gun fire broke out simultaneously in different parts of the city. The troops had arrived and began shooting up anything and anyone. The shooting was quite indiscriminate and without warning. At first it was heavy but later relapsed into intermittent bursts as the prowling troops went in search of human targets. It was kept up for a few days and goodness knows how many deaths there were. I would say that the deaths ran into thousands. In addition to he shootings lots of citizens were arrested on the most flimsy evidence and I am afraid few of them still live.

One of those arrested you may know or know of, Lien Tong(3). I often heard your parents speak of him. He was called out by the soldiery on some trumped up charge of collaboration and was unable to understand the language spoken by the soldiers. One of the school teachers (Lien Tong I gather was the School Principal) came out to act as interpreter but was promptly shot down(4). When I left Taipeh it had not been established whether or not Lien Tong still lived. Replies to enquiries said he had been taken to Keelung for Trial, plus the suggestion that another principal be obtained. Looks grim.

The students who maintained the peace in the city were asked to return the arms loaned them for that purpose and were then liquidated. About 20 were executed a short distance along the Tamsui Rd. west of the Mission College.

After one mass killing at Keelung the bodies were taken out to sea and dumped. The tide turned and brought them back into the Harbour again. The Chinese version which is the one that reached the outside world was: - Communist elements had been eliminated.

Outwardly to-day the Formosan is subdued but inside there is a burning rage which will flare up again. They won’t take it lying down. Their despair is pitiful and they can only trust the United Nations Council to get them out of their dilemma. They cannot give voice to their feelings or they would be picked up and rubbed out; they therefore have to rely entirely on the efforts and support of people outside the Island, and it’s up to them to raise such a Howl and keep it up until the United Council do take notice. Otherwise the Formosans are doomed to a life of oppression and subjection.

A. The Formosan is genuinely eager that the Island come under U.N. Mandate

B. The chaos, corruption, and maladministration which led to the disturbance demand a U.N. investigation.

C. An investigation would reveal the disgusting state of affairs under Chinese rule and it’s their job (U.N.C.) to see that they are remedied.

D. The remedy would be simple, granting all of Formosans the right to vote for what form of Government they desired and 98% would vote United Nations Mandate and the U.N.C. would be rewarded with the everlasting gratitude of 6,000,000 world citizens.

E. Any expenses incurred would gladly be refunded. Under proper government the island would become economically solvent in a very short time with its surplus of coal, gold, sugar, rice etc.

Now I suggest that when you have digested this you go to town and pass on to anyone you know the state of things in Formosa and form a committee or party to champion the Formosan cause. You probably know lots of people who are interested in Formosa and its people and who would gladly join in crusade to lift these pleasant industrious people from their present hell. It will require constant and relentless punching at the U.N. thro all and any channels to accomplish this aim.

1- Actually sent by K.W. Dowie, missionary in Taiwan 1913-1924, the architect of Tamsui Middle School. Dowie was then in the US Navy and had stopped in Taiwan.

2 - Mr. and Mrs. George William Mackay, who had arrived as 228 began. Mackay bravely tried to save Tan by going to see Garrison Commander General Ke Yuanfen.

3 - Tan Leng-thong (陳能通) Principal of Tamsui Middle School. His father, Rev. Tan Ong, a student of George Leslie Mackay, was also arrested but released.

4 - Lo Ui (盧圍) Science Teacher, died on March 18th. Gym teacher Ng Ah-thong (黃阿統) was arrested with Tan and suffered the same end. Along with thousands of others, they just disappeared. It is believed they were thrown into the ocean off Keelung.

漢譯

Public Servants Administrative Neutrality Law [English Translation]

The President of the Republic of China signed the 09800141571 Order on June 10, 2009 to enact all articles of The Law, and The Law shall begin implementation on the day of the Order.

Article 1

The Law is enacted to ensure public servants administer according to law and to act in fair and neutral fashion, and to regulate public servants participating in political activities.

The Law is to regulate public servants’ administrative neutrality; if there are other laws and regulations that are stricter than The Law, other laws shall apply.

Article 2

Public Servants under The Law are defined to include all full-time employees of the public institutions and all administrative employees in public schools.

Article 3

Public servants shall strictly remain political neutral, carry out their duties according to laws and orders, loyally implement government policy and serve the people.

Article 4

Public servants shall fairly carry out their duties, and shall have no different treatment to different organizations or individuals.

Article 5

Public servants may join political parties or other political organizations, but shall not take any position in political parties or other political organizations.

Public servants shall not take part in dispute in political parties or political factions.

Public servants shall not take any position in campaign offices of candidates running for public offices.

Article 6

Public servants shall not use power, opportunities, or methods associated with their position to make others join or not join political parties or other political organizations; shall not make others participate or not participate in campaign activities of political parties or other political organizations.

Article 7

Public servants shall not during office hour or service hour take part in activities of political parties or other political organizations during the office or service hours, with the exception that those activities are associated with the implementation of his formal responsibility.

The office hour or service hour is defined as:

1. Legal working hours;
2. Adjusted working hours because of the conditions of responsibilities;
3. On duty or work overtime;
4. Training sessions, work out of office, or participation in activities associated with his responsibilities.

Article 8

Public servants shall not use power, opportunities, or methods associated with their position to demand, contract, or receive any contribution of money, objects or other profits, and shall not obstruct others from taking part in campaign fund-raising for political parties, other political organizations, or political candidates.

Article 9

Public servants shall not take part in the following political activities to show support or not support any political party, other political organization or political candidate:

1. Use administrative resources to print, pass out, or post publications, posters, fliers or to hold other related activities;
2. To hang, post, wear or to hold flags, symbols, or clothing related to political parties or other political organizations or political candidates;
3. To hold meetings, initiate rallies or to lead any petition;
4. To use name and official title in commercial advertisements in public media;
5. To give instructions to other personnel related to his position;
6. To speak for, parade with, or call for votes for election candidates;
7. Other activities jointly prohibited by Examination Yuan and Executive Yuan.

The administrative resources in clause 1 of this article is defined as the public objects, public fund, facilities and manpower that public servants can use and operate.

Article 10

Public servants shall not use power, opportunities or methods associated with their position to request others not to exercise the right to vote or to vote in a certain manner in elections, recalls, or referendum.

Article 11

Public servants shall take leave from his position from the day he/she registers as a political candidate until the polling day.

Superiors shall not reject the request of taking leaves by the above public servants.

Article 12

Public servants in charge of administrative resources shall be fair and have no discrimination when handling the application to use the resources by political parties, other political organizations, or political candidates.

Article 13

All chiefs or administrators in sections in public institutions shall prohibit visits by political parties, candidates or their supporters beginning from the day election is made official by Election Commission until the polling day; and shall post such prohibition clearly in the entrance of their offices and facilities.

Article 14

Superiors of public servants shall not request public servants to act in any manner violating activities prohibited by The Law.

Public servants can report the evidence to higher officials above the superiors when superiors violate the rule prescribed in this article. The higher officials shall deal with the report when public servants make such report; public servants may appeal to Control Yuan if higher officials fail to act upon report.

Article 15

Rights of public servants under laws shall not be unfairly treated for rejecting the activities prohibited by The Law.

Public servants may appeal to Public Servants Assurance Law or other laws when unfairly treated as prescribed in this article.

Article 17

The Law shall apply to the following personnel:

1. Principals or presidents of public schools and teachers or professors with administrative responsibilities in public schools;
2. Employees in public schools without their qualification verified before the enacting of the Education Personnel Law or employees in public schools that are originally private;
3. All professionals in public social education institutions and research personnel in pubic academic research institutions;
4. Personnel with military ranking in all administrative institutions and military officers in all education institutions or schools;
5. Personnel employed by all public institutions and public schools;
6. Personnel employed by public-owned enterprises;
7. Personnel undergoing training or taking learning programs before becoming public servants;
8. Full-time, paid personnel in public law-person institutions;
9. Members of the Board of Trustees representing government shares in private law-persons institutions.

Article 18

The Law shall apply to those political personnel required by the Constitution or other laws to be above political parties.

Article 19

The Implementation of The Law shall be drawn by Examination Yuan.

Article 20

The Law shall begin implementation on the day the Order is given and made public.